Risk Society: Towards a new modernity

Key takeaways

content: "@beckRiskSocietyNew1992" -file:@beckRiskSocietyNew1992

Reading notes

Introduction.

• Theories of simple modernization from Hamas to Marx To mainstream Parsonian sociology, all share a sort of utopic evolutionism whether it's motor to be communicative rationality, the development of the means of production or structural differentiation and functional integration. Back sees another darker dimension to such developments, and especially in the constitutive role assigned to science and knowledge. for Beck, the consequences of scientific and industrial development are a set of risks and hazards. The likes of which we have never previously faced these days. These dangers can, for example, no longer be limited in time as future generations are affected. Their spatial consequences are equally not amenable to limitation as they cross national boundaries, unlike. in earlier modernity, no one can be held accountable for the hazards of the risks society further. It is becoming impossible to compensate those whose lives have been touched by those hazards as their very calculability becomes problematized.
• His claim is that these efforts perverse of modernization can potentially be dealt with, not through the negation, but through the radicalization of such rationalisation in order of societies really to evolve, he maintains modernization must become reflexive. This sort of reflexivity for Beck is not to be abstractly located in some sort of hypothetical, ideal speech situation. It is already becoming operative in the critique of science developing, not just in the grain movement, but in the broad masses of the lay public.
• Yet the postmodern critique has exposed how the dirty itself imposes constraints of a traditional kind. Culturally imposed, not freely chosen around the quasi religious modern icon of science. Its cultural form is scientism, which sociologists of science argue is an intrinsic element of science as public knowledge. The culture of scientism has, in effect, imposed identity upon social actors by demanding their identification with particular social institutions and their ideologies. notably in constructions of risk, but also in definitions of sanity, proper sexual behaviour and countless other rational frames of modern social control.
• Thus, structural change in the private sphere results in the individualization of social agents. It were then forced to make decisions about whether and whom they shall marry, whether they shall have children, what sort of sexual preference they might have.
• In the sphere of work, the process of structural change leads to individualization in 2 senses. Through the decline, first of class structure and second of the structural order of the Taylorist work place. The resultant individualization again opens up a situation where individuals reflect upon and flexibly restructure the rules and resources of the workplace and of their leisure time (This is a really vital point for the thesis)
• It is mainly industry in conjunction with science that is involved in the creation of the Risk Society's risks.
  The problem of risk.
• The dominant discourses of risk for all they have taken on the trappings of liberal pluralism remain firmly instrumentalist and reductionist to the extent that they allow other forms of experience, such as public scepticism into their rational modernist frame. They do so only on sufferance and not as a meeting with other legitimate forms of life.
• Hence, technical experts are given pole position to define agendas and impose boundary bounding premises a priori on risk discourses.
• Reflexivity is excluded from the social and political interactions between experts and social groups over modern risks because of the systematic assumption of realism in science.
• The idealised model of the risk system reflected in the scientists exclusive focus on the laboratory knowledge contained not only questionable physical assumptions, but are naive model of that part of society.
  Preface.
• Just as modernization dissolves the structure of feudal society in the 19th century and produced the industrial society, modernization to day is dissolving industrial society and another modernity is coming into being.
• An entire epoch cannot slide into a space beyond the previous defining categories without that beyond being recognised and cast off what is the artificially prolonged authority claim of a past which has seen the present and a future slip out of its hands.

Part one living on the volcano of civilization, the contours of the Risk Society.

• In advance modality, the social production of wealth is systematically accompanied by the social production of risks. Accordingly, the problems in conflicts related to the distribution in a society of scarcity overlap with the problems and conflicts that arise from the production, definition and distribution of techno scientifical produced risks.
• This change from the logic of wealth distribution in a society of scarcity to the logic of risk distribution in late modernity is connected historically to at least two conditions. Because it is recognisable today where and to the extent that genuine material need can be objectively reduced and socially isolated through the development of human and technological productivity, as well as through legal and welfare state protections and regulations. Second, this categorical change is likewise dependent upon the fact that in the course of the exponentially growing productive forces in the modernization process, hazards and potential threats have been unleashed to an extent previously unknown
• The concepts of industrial or class society in the broader sense of marks or Weber revolved around the issue of how socially produced wealth could be distributed in a socially unequal and also legitimate way.
• Questions of the development and employment of technologies in the realms of Nature Society and the personality are being eclipsed by the questions of the political and economic management of the risks of actually or potentially utilised technologies.
• The distribution of socially produced wealth and related conflicts occupied the foreground so long as obvious material need, the dictatorship of scarcity rules the thought and the action of people.
• In the modernization process, more and more destructive forces are also being unleashed. Forces before which the human imagination stands in awe. Both sources feed a growing critique of modernization, which loudly and contentiously determines public discussions.
• In systematic terms, sooner or later in the continuity of modernization, the social positions and conflicts of a wealth distributing society begin to be joined by those of a risk distributing society.
• The concept of risk is directly bound to the concept of reflexive modernization. Risk may be defined as a systematic way of dealing with hazards and insecurities induced and introduced by modernization itself.
• The argument can be set out in five stages.
  • Risks such as those produced in the late modernity differ essentially from wealth.
  • Some people are more affected than others by the distribution and growth of risks. That is, social risk positions spring up in some of their dimensions. These follow the inequalities of class of strata positions, but they bring a fundamentally different distributional logic into play. Risks of modernization sooner or later also strike those who produce or profit from them. They contain a boomerang effect, which breaks up the pattern of class and national society.
  • Nevertheless, the diffusion and commercialization of risks do not break with the logic of capitalist development completely, but instead they raise the latter to a new stage. There are always losers, but also winners in risk definitions.
  • One can possess wealth, but one can only be afflicted by risks. They are, so to speak, ascribed by civilization. Bluntly, 1 might say in class and stratification positions being determined consciousness, while in risk positions, consciousness determines being.
  • Socially recognised risks as appears clearly in the discussions of forest destruction contain a particular and peculiar political explosive. What was until now considered unpolitical becomes political. The elimination of the causes in the industrialization process itself.
    On the knowledge dependence of modernization risks.
• In the case of social wealth, one is dealing with consumer goods, incomes, education opportunities, property, et cetera, as desirable items in scarcity. By contrast, risks are an incidental problem of modernization in undesirable abundance. These must either be eliminated or denied and reinterpreted. The positive logic of acquisition contrasts with a negative logic of disposition avoidance, denial and reinterpretation.
• While such things as income and education are consumable goods that can be experienced by the individual, the existence of a distribution of risks and hazards are mediated on principle through argument.
• The modernization risks appear in geographically specific areas as well as unspecifically and universally. How erratic and unpredictable the torch was passed of their deleterious effects can be.
  Class specific risks.
• The type pattern and media for the distribution of risks differs systematically from those of the distribution of wealth. That does not exclude risks from often being distributed in a stratified or class specific way. In this sense, there are broad overlapping areas between class and risk society The history of risk distribution shows that, like wealth, risks adhere to the class pattern only inversely. Wealth accumulates at the top risks at the bottom To that extent, risks seem to strengthen, not to abolish the class society over. (great point to get away with the death of class thesis)
• The risk of becoming unemployed is considered really higher for unskilled than for skilled workers.
• The possibilities and abilities to deal with risks avoid them or compensate for them are probably unequally divided among the various occupational and educational strata open. parentheses. (Again, this needs to be included with detailed references for my discussion and conclusion. Parts of the empirical work as well as for the introduction to social theory portion of my thesis)
• Sooner or later, the risks also catch up with those who produce or profit from them. Risks display a social boomerang effect in their diffusion. Even the rich and powerful are not safe from them. (as an example, whilst deindustrialization primarily initially affected those of the working classes and unskilled manual labour, the globalising pressures of, say, heavy steel manufacturing in Great Britain, pressured local business owners and local owners of steel manufacturing to close shops eventually. Or they reinterpreted the risk and moved abroad.)
• The circularity of this social endangering can be generalised under the roof of modernization risks, perpetrator and victim sooner or later become identical.
• In this way, with the globalisation of risks, a social dynamic is set in motion, which can no longer be composed of or understood in class categories.
• Expressed in an analogy, the class of the affected does not confront a class that is not affected. It confronts at most a class of not yet affected people.

2 the politics of knowledge in the risk society.

• Consequences experienced by the bulk of humanity as devastating are connected with a social process of industrialization and modernization. With both epochs, we are concerned with drastic and threatening interventions in human living conditions. These appear in connexion with definite stages in the development of productive forces of market integration and of the relationships of property and power.
• Therein lies its internal dynamic, not malevolence, but the market competition, division of Labour, all of it just a bit more global to day.
• Systematically produce suffering and oppression become more and more visible and must be recognised by those who have denied them.

Part two, the individualisation of social inequality, life forms and the demise of tradition.

• The global risk situations that come into being and the social and political dynastyism of development and conflict that contain, they contain, are new and considerable, but they overlap with social biographical and cultural risks and insecurities An advanced modernity, the latter have disembodied and reshaped the inner social structure of industrial society and its grounded and basic certainties of social of life conduct. Social classes familial forms, gender status, marriage, parenthood and occupations.
• In sweeping terms, one can formulate the theory of reflexive modernization at the turn of the 21st century, the unleashed process of modernization is overrunning and overcoming its own coordinate system.
  Ambivalences individuals and the developed labour market.
• In the welfare states of the West, reflexive modernization dissolves the traditional parameters of industrial society. Class culture and consciousness, gender and family roles. It dissolves these forms of the conscious collective on which depend and to which refer the social and political political organisations and institutions in industrial society. These detritationalisations happen in the social surge of individualisation at the same time. The relations of inequality remain stable.
• For the Marxist theoretician of classes as well as for the investigator of stratification, it may be that not much has changed. The separations in the hierarchy of income and the fundamental conditions of wage labour have remained the same. On the other hand, ties to a social class received mysteriously into the background for the actions of people.
• This tendency to the classlessness of social inequality appears as a textbook example in the distribution of mass unemployment.
• The freeing relative to the status like social classes is joined by a freeing relative gender status as reflected primarily in the changing condition of the women. The most recent data speak clearly. It is not social position or lack of education, but divorce, which is the trap door through which women fall into the new poverty. The spiral of individualization is thus taking hold inside the family labour market education mobility everything is doubled and trebled.
• Even these quarrels between the sexes, which occur as matters for the individuals involved, have another dimension from a theoretical point of view. What happens between the man and a woman, both inside and outside the family, follows a general pattern.
• This brings out clearly the special features of present day individualization by comparison to apparently similar ones in the Renaissance or the early industrial age. The individual himself or herself becomes the reproduction unit of the social in the life world. What the social is and does has to be involved with individual decisions or put another way, both within the and outside the family. The individuals become the agents of their educational and market mediated subsistence and the relative related life planning and organisation. Biography itself is acquiring a reflexive project (This should be used in conjunction with Giddens's structuration theory in. perhaps in a critique of it, but also to improve upon it)
• Correspondingly, individualization is understood here as a historically contradictory process of societalization.

Three beyond status and class

• The analysis that follows, therefore aims to explain a paradoxical state of affairs. My thesis is that in the history of Germany, patterns of social inequality remain relatively stable, yet at the same time the living conditions of the population have changed dramatically.
• I would therefore like to show that as a result of shifts in the standard of living, subcultural class identities have dissipated, cast distinctions based on status of lost their traditional support and processes for the diversification and individualization of lifestyles and ways of life have been set in motion.
• To put it more concisely, there have been specific historical developments leading to individualization. They have disrupted the experience of historical continuity. As a consequence, people have lost their traditional support networks and have had to rely on themselves and their own individual labour market fate with all its attendant risks, opportunities and contradictions (Berger at L 1975.; Tourrine 1983) (Important)
• The attachment of people to a social class in Max Weber's sense has nevertheless become weaker and is now, it now has much less influence on their actions. They develop ways of life that tend to become individualised for the sake of economic survival. Individuals are now compelled to make themselves the centre of their own life plans and conduct.
  The labour market is a motor of individualization.
• Among the negative effects of individualization processes are the separation of the individual from traditional support networks, examples being family or neighbourhood. The loss of supplementary sources of income and The experience of an increased wage and consumption dependency in all spheres of life.
• On the other hand, their position in the labour market is especially uncertain, and the percentage of unemployed women is known to be much higher than that of men, in spite of a good deal of underreporting (Burke gunshine, 1983.)
• Schooling means choosing and planning ones own educational life course (super important)
• The educated person becomes the producer of his or home label own labour situation, and in this way of his or her social biography. As schooling increases in duration, traditional orientations, ways of thinking and lifestyles are recast and displaced by universalistic forms of learning and teaching, as well as by universalistic forms of knowledge and language
• The educated person incorporates reflexive knowledge of the conditions and prospects of modernity, and in this way becomes an agent of reflexive modernization (super important)
• Women now earn their own money, which means they are no longer dependent upon their husbands earnings and can construct their own lives inside or outside the family.
  Individualization and class formation marks and Weber.
• Even within capitalism itself, people are uprooted in successive waves and rested loose from tradition, family, neighbourhood, occupation and culture.
• For marks, this capitalist process of isolation and uprooting had always been cushioned by the collective experience of immerseration and the resulting class struggle.
• Everywhere, educational reform is accompanied by a dependent on education. More. and more groups get caught up in the race for educational credentials. Open parentheses, vital point to cross cohort comparisons. Really important.)

4 I am I gendered space and conflicts inside and outside the family.

• The dynamic of individualization, which remove people from class cultures, does not stop at the gates of the family either. People are being removed from the constraints of gender, from its quasi feudal attributes and Gibbons, or shaken to the very depths of their souls, and that Asian is a force they do not understand themselves. Though they are its most inward embodiment, no matter how strangely it befalls them.
• On the one hand, men and women are released from traditional forms and ascribed roles in the search for a life of their own (important point about gender, gender)
  Industrial society is a modern feudal society.
• The peculiarities of the antagonisms in the life conditions of men and women can be determined theoretically by differentiating them from class conditions. The class antagonism is ignited on the material immersion of large parts of the working population.
• The antagonisms between the sexes need about the pattern of modern class antagonisms, nor are mere relic of tradition. They are a 3rd entity just as much as the antagonism between labour and capital. They are the product and the fandelion of the industrial system in the sense that wage labour presupposes housework and that the spheres and forms of production and the family are separated and created in the 19th century.
• At the same time, the resulting conditions of men and women are based on descriptions by birth. In that respect, they are that strange hybrid modern estates with them. An industrial society hierarchy of status is established in modernity. They derive their explosive power and their logic of conflict from the contradiction between modernity and countermodernity within industrial society.
• Correspondingly, the ascribed roles and antagonisms of gender status erupts like class antagonisms, not in early melaninity, but in late industrial modernity. That is, at the point where the social classes have already become the traditionalized and modernity no longer hesitates at the gates of the family, marriage, parenthood and housework.
• Individual competition and mobility, which are acquired for the realm of production run up against the contrary demand in the family, sacrifice for the other and the absorption on the collective communal project of the family in the shape of familial reproduction and market dependent production, then two epochs of contrary organisational principles and value systems, modernity and modern counter modernity are welded together in the industrial society. 2 epochs that complement condition and contradict each other. (This is a brilliant point to bring up in relation to sex in comparison with other structural inequalities. Do we see that women are being pulled in both directions of epochs? Are they staying out of economic activity or are they entering it or are they only dipping their toe in it)
• A double process takes place. On the one side, the requirement for a market dependent, standardised biography is extended to the female life context. On the other, totally new camps within the family and between men and women in general, are created in this way. Indeed, the feudal foundations of industrial society are being abolished. This is a specific feature of reflexive modernization. The extension of Industrial Society beyond its gender specific division carries out an equal measure the dissolution of its family morals, its gendered fates, its taboos on marriage, parenthood and sexuality, even the real unification of housework and industrial work (super important point)
• What remains central is that the equalisation of men and women cannot be created in institutional structures that presuppose their inequality. We cannot force the new round person into the square hole required by the labour market, the employment system, city planning, the Social Security system and so on. If this is attempted, no one ought to be surprised that the private relationship of the sexes becomes the scene for the conflicts that can only be inadequately solved by the tug of war, of role swapping or mixed rolls for men and women (super important point)
  Liberation from male and female roles?
• Processes of technical automation extend and housework of variety of appliances, machines and consumer goods, unburdened and empty work in the family. It becomes the invisible, never ending left over work between industrial production, paid services and technically perfected domestic furnishing of private households. Taken together, isolation and automation bring about a de skilling of housework (offi 1984) which also directs women towards work outside the home in search of a fulfilled life.
• If it remains true that my hood is still the strongest tie to the traditional female role, and it's difficult to estimate the importance of contraceptive and family planning measures, as well as the legal possibility of terminating pregnancies and removing women from the traditional demands,
• The growing number of divorces points the fragility of marital and family support. Women are just a husband away from poverty. Oh, from parentheses. Iron Reich, 1983.)
• The equalisation of education opportunity, which is among other things, also the expression of a strong career motivation among young women, tends to work in the same direction.
• All these taken together, demographic liberation, deskilling of housework, contraception, divorce, participation, education and equipations expressed the degree of liberation of women among the dictates of their modern female status fate, which can no longer be altered.
• But these conditions leading towards individualization face others which reconnect woman's traditional role assignments. The really established labour market society, which would make an independent economic living available to all men and women, would multiply the already scandalous unemployment figures. This means that under the conditions of mass unemployment and displacement from the labour market, and we're afraid for a marital support, but not free to lead an autonomous life through work outside the home. (important point)
• For men, making a living independently and the old role identity coincide in the stereotypical male gender role as Korean man, economic individualization and masculine role behaviour joined together, support by a spouse, the wife is unknown to men historically, and the freedom to work for a living is taken for granted. The background work that belongs to its traditional falls upon women. The joys and duties of fatherhood could always be enjoyed in small doses as a recreational activity. Fatherhood had no obstacle to practising a career.
• Individualization in the sense of making a living through the mediation of the market strengthens medical enrolled behaviour.
• In all biographical dimensions, opportunities for and constraints on choice open up as if forced upon us (important point)

Five individualization institutionalisation and standardisation life situations and bio graphical patterns.

• In this general sense, individualization refers to certain subjective biographical aspects of the civilization process in the sense of ilias 1969.
• There's also leads in here. We have arrived at the general model to a triple individualization, disembedding, removal from historical prescribed social forms and commitments in the sense of traditional context of dominance and support. The liberating dimension, the loss of traditional security with respect to practical knowledge, faith and guiding norms. And the disenchantment dimension. And here the meaning of the word is virtually turned into its opposite, re embedding a new type of social commitment that control or reintegration dimension.
• They constitute a general a historical model of individualization. It seems essential to me, however, to differentiate this conceptually with a second dimension, specifically according to objective life situation and subjective consciousness, identity, personalization in that. case, the following six field table results. liberation, loss of stability, reintegration, life situation, objective consciousness, identity, subjective.
  Individualization reconsidered.
• This can be described in the changes of family structures, housing conditions, geographical distributions, neighbourhood relations, leisure time, behaviour, club ownerships and so on, projected onto the entire social structure. This dissolution of the proletarian milieu (Musa 1983) is revealed by the endemic difficulties in interpreting models from class and stratification research in an empirically meaningful way in view of tendencies towards differentiation and pluralization (incredibly important point)
• The individual himself or herself becomes the reproduction unit for the social in the life world of parentheses. Important point)
• This differentiation of socio biographical situations is accompanied at the same time by a high degree of standardisation, or, more precisely, the very same media which bring about an individualization also bring about a standardisation.
• They span the separated areas of the private sphere and the various areas of the public sphere. There are no longer merely private situations, but also always institutional. They have the contradictory double phase of institutionally dependent individual situations.
  The institutionalisation of biographical patterns.
• Biographies two are becoming reflexive. People with the same income level or put the old fashioned way with the same class, can, or even must choose, different lifestyle subcultures, social ties and identities.
• At the same time, new dependencies arise. These point to inherent contradictions in the individualization process in advanced modernity, individualization takes place under the general conditions of a socialisation process that makes individual auto nominations increasingly impossible. The individual is indeed removed from traditional commitments and support relationships, but exchanges them for the constraints of existence in the labour market and as a consumer with the standardisation and controls they contain.
• These ways in which institutions shape biographies mean that regulations in the educational system EG, educational schedules in occupational life, EG work periods on a daily basis, and then the overall biography and in the system of social protection are directly interneshed with phases in the biographies of people. (really important point)
• By raising the minimum age of daycare centres, for instance, it is made difficult or impossible for women to fulfil both their maternal and their occupational occupations obligations, which means that women are driven out of the labour market in lowering the retirement age and the length of the social old age is increased for an entire generation with all the associate opportunities and problems over parentheses in raising the school leaving age, the length of the youth phase is increased for an entire generation also. with all the associated opportunities and problems) (really important point)
• Individualization thus means precisel....phies, analyse situations politically
  Individualization thus means precisely institutionalisation, institutional shaping and hence the ability to structure biographies, analyse situations politically
• Institutions act in legally determined categories of standard biographies, to which reality conforms less and less. The backbone of the standard biography is the standard work relation, lus the system of social protection is geared to participation in ways labour. At the same time, there is a constantly growing number of people who cannot manage to enter the employment system or can do so with great difficulty to swipe all their good intentions.
• Under these conditions, how one lives become the becomes the biographical solution of systemic contradictions. As for instance, between education and employment or the legally presumed and the actual standard biography against Luman 1985 the biography is the sum of subsystem rationalities. And by no means their environment.
• Biography is already being opened to the World Society.

Six destanditisation of Labour.

• Adult existence is held completely under the sway of wage labour, not merely because of the brands of work itself makes on time, but also because of the time spent outside work beforehand and afterwards in pondering over it and planning for it. Even old age is defined by non occupation (Really important point. This goes to the heart of why studying economic activity is really vitally important for the thesis closed parentheses.)
• Just like the family on the other side, the occupation has lost many of its former assurances and protective functions, along with their occupations, people losing in a backbone of life that originated in the industrial epoch. The problems and demands of ways labour radiate through the entire society, even outside of work, industrial society is a wage labour society through and through in the plan of its life (again, another vitally important point, and goes to speak of individualization, but also of how, even when you enter work, there is not the definite possibility of you staying within workplace. parentheses.
• The employment system, which arose in the past century from fierce social and political conflicts and crises, is based on high degrees of standardisation in all its essential dimensions. The labour contract, the work site and the working hours.
• Until well into the 1970s lifelong full time work was the temporal organisational standard for planning and utilising labour power in the plant, as well as in biographical life contexts over parentheses. Really important point. This isn't true any more)
• By now, it might have dawned in even the moronitis corner that the norm of lifelong full time work is being broken up by various forms of flexibilization of working hours.
• One considers these consequences of the D standardisation of working hours and work locations in their totality. Then one can say that a transition is occurring in industrial society from a uniform system of lifelong full time work organised in a single industrial location, with the radical alternative of unemployment to a risk fraught system of flexible pluralized decentralised underemployment, which however will possibly no longer raise the problem of unemployment in the sense of being completely without a paid job.
• Unemployment in the guys of various forms of underemployment is integrated into the employment system, but in exchange for a generalisation of employment, security insecurity that was not known in the old uniform full employment system of industrial society.
• In the prevailing employment system of full time jobs, unemployment is distributed according to the unimaginous black and white pattern of unemployment and employment. In the current crisis situation, the hidden asset of working hours policy is being discovered and propagated as a Deus Ex Machina for the organisation and its advantages and the disadvantages explored. It soon becomes obvious the last shoot for standardisation reductions of the working week with the retention of full pay is extraordinary limited. This is true for the working week as a result of the struggle for the 35 hour week has made clear. It applies equally well, however, to the lowering of the retirement age or the lengthening of compulsory education. Both of them overall reductions of the volume of wage labour that fall outside the competence of collective bargaining.
• In this apparent impasse, businesses are discovering part time work and underemployment as productive forces, or more generally, the do standardisation of the normal ways for utilising labour and the organisational possibilities they contain for increasing productivity on the basis of microelectronics.
• The principle of division, or better destruction of Labour, is being replaced by the counter principle of the consolidation of partial tasks on a higher level of skill and specialised sovereignty. Large numbers of unskilled or semi skilled workers are replaced by a smaller number of professionalised automation workers.
• Are roughly the same time the transformation of full time to all variety of part time work. Relations is being pushed forward, especially in the service sector.
• Alongside these possibilities for rationalisation of work time, business is a beginning initial experiments on the outsourcing of subordinate functions as a productivity reserve.
• Temporal and spatial decoupling of Labour and production processes, and thus new types of decentralised work as well, of which the much discussing electronic cotton industry represents only one extreme case.
• It will break apart the relations of the labour contract and the labour market. The forms for the offering and utilisation of labour power and industrial society and in this way will create completely new types of disequilibria of power between the parties and the labour market and their interest organisations.
• Parallels to the distribution of mass unemployment specific to life phases suggest that justice life phases are unemployment have already become components of the standard biographies for large parts of the population. Now under employment as the synthesis of full employment and unemployment is being integrated into the employment system.